Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: https://hdl.handle.net/10356/55626
Title: 从双及物结构看动后限制及其成因 = A study of the genesis of postverbal constraint by taking a close view of ditransitive constructions
Authors: 刘莎 Liu, Sha
Keywords: DRNTU::Humanities::Linguistics::Syntax
Issue Date: 2014
Abstract: “动后限制”,通俗地说,指的是在一个汉语句子里,动词之后最多只能接一个成分。这种限制在VO型语言中是十分罕见的。黄正德(1982)称之为“短语结构条件(Phrase Structure Condition)”,X-杠(X-bar)结构形式是:a. [Xn Xn-1 YP*] iff n=1 and X≠N, b. [Xn YP* Xn-1] otherwise。根据黄正德的条件,以往认为“动后限制”仅对句法结构中的附加语(Adjunct)产生作用,换言之,动词带补足语(Complement)时,允许表层动后带两个词组成分。而张敏(2010)则根据方言考察,以给予事件的编码为例,指出“动后限制”也约束补足语,且越往北越严格,呈现出地域差异。基于此共时现象,他推测“动后限制”是由北方OV型非汉语与汉语深度接触导致的。他也通过两个个案——附加语的前移和位移事件中补足语的前移,进行了历时的论述。然而,在其共时研究中重点观察的给予事件的句式编码方面,却缺少必要的历时材料支撑,尤其是其在上古至中古的变化。本文对《左传》、《史记》和《世说新语》中给予类及相关的双及物结构进行考察,比较说明动词后出现两个词组成分的现象逐步受到约束,“动后限制”逐步严格化。在补充这一历时材料的基础上,本文对张敏提出的语言接触为“动后限制”成因的观点进行思考,认为“动后限制”不必然全部是语言接触的结果。The Postverbal Constraint(PVC) refers to the strong tendency to disallow the occurrence of more than one constituent after the verb in a Chinese sentence. This trait sets Chinese apart from all other VO languages in the world. Huang, C.-T. James(1982) refers it as the Phrase Structure Condition (PSC), formally defined as: a. [Xn Xn-1 YP*] iff n=1 and X≠N, b. [Xn YP* Xn-1] otherwise. Based on PSC, PVC only acts at the syntactic structure level of adjuncts, while the complements of the main verb are not affected. However, based on the research of different Chinese dialects, Zhang, M.(2010) pointed out that complements are restricted by PVC as well, using constructions encoding GIVE event (diatransitive constructions) as an important example. Furthermore, it shows a gradual increase in the strictness of PVC from the south to the north. Zhang thus proposes that the genesis of PVC is due to the language contact of Chinese with other OV languages in the northern part of China. He also illustrates it with two diachronic cases, i.e. the shift of adjunct PPs to preverbal position and the shift of complement PPs to preverbal position in caused motion events. However, in terms of GIVE event, which Zhang referred as an important synchronic example to illustrate the presence of PVC, there is a lack of diachronic investigation, especially from the archaic period to the medieval period. This paper investigates the constructions encoding GIVE event, namely the ditransitive constructions, in Zuo Zhuan, Shi Ji and Shi Shuo Xin Yu, shows that there is an increasing restriction on constructions with two postverbal constituents, which means the emergence of PVC in GIVE event. Based on this diachronic observation, this paper will evaluate Zhang’s view on genesis of PVC, and propose that it is not necessarily due to language contact in all cases.
URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10356/55626
Rights: Nanyang Technological University
Fulltext Permission: restricted
Fulltext Availability: With Fulltext
Appears in Collections:HSS Student Reports (FYP/IA/PA/PI)

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